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What these activists have in common was distrust toward power in general, but especially that of the state. Although the celebration of a liberal victory by Francis Fukuyama seems premature, expansion of liberal ideas concerning the primacy of the individual, as opposed to the collective, continued during the late and post New Order period. Santos, Arysio This pseudo-scientific approach is an extreme form of revisionism in which the Indonesian past is Islamized. Instead of affirming the familial and integralist state of the New Order, the present Pancasila is taken out of its box to argue for the liberal values of post-Soeharto Indonesia:
Instead of dealing with this, there is a tendency to look for salvation in a Pancasila revivalism interpreted to support liberal values.
One might argue that they have never made a case for a liberalism based on Western philosophy within the Indonesian context. Even though Western liberals have proclaimed the victory of the ideology against all other ideological opponents, Indonesian liberals have failed to make a convincing historical case.
Despite being the predominant ideology implemented in state-society relations, it has a weak legitimacy within the national ideology. He asserts that the divide between the idea of Java and Islam is a Christian and colonial by-product. He attacks what he sees as a Christian strategy of embracing pre-Islamic Javanese religion, the Kejawen , as having similar spiritual roots with Christianity.
He also disdains Christian Javanese cultural amalgamation as part of the Christianization strategy. This suspicion of conventional history results in the effort to downgrade a cultural product of feudal Java.
He argues that high culture and monumental buildings are not automatically connected Susiyanto Islamic revisionism aims at bringing back the Muslim at the forefront of Indonesian history. Authors like Susiyanto and Adian Husaini, are part of the anti-liberal movement that arose out of their disagreement with the contextualization of Islam by the neo-modernist and the JIL.
Husaini is part of the Institute of the Study of Islamic Thought and Civilization Insists which provides an alternative intellectual position than those of the conventional Islamic intellectual position espoused at the State Islamic Academic Institute IAIN or by the neomodernists above.
Their perspective is confrontational: The assumptions of many Islamists has been to link pluralism and multiculturalism with Christianization. Like much of the other tropes above, the Islamist view of Indonesian history engaged within the critical discussion of history, especially the deconstructivist approach that grew from the postmodern turn in the s. The deconstructivist approach to Indonesian history placed Indonesian Muslims under the assault of a campaign of lies created by Christians and secular people in interpreting the past to fit their worldview.
The machinations of Western mostly Dutch intellectuals like Snouck Hurgronje and others in robbing Muslims of their past is a primary concern Baso, Islamists thus represent one of the few intellectual movements that actively identify and celebrate aspects of an Islamic past, instead of denying or erasing it, or sacralizing its pre-Islamic features. Such views follow on the intellectual heels of the orientalist school and its effort at a politicized re-interpretation of history is used to support its argument for an Islamic Indonesia.
The strategy employed by progressive intellectuals in order to provide a voice to the subaltern is turned on its heels in the Indonesian case in order to support the shift toward majority rule. Thus, authors in this line of thought make the Hindus and Buddhists of the past suspicious, their monuments a sign of the decadence of their elites and the religion purely held by the elites and not the masses Susiyanto Various Indonesian heroes are rendered as Muslim, like Diponegoro, the Javanese prince who led a heroic fight against Dutch colonialism in the early nineteenth century.
Islamists conducted more brazen revisionism that is pseudo-scientific. The entire Hindu-Buddhist past is either Islamized or is reduced to their position within a history that is re-contextualized in an Islamic story. This pseudo-scientific approach is an extreme form of revisionism in which the Indonesian past is Islamized. Similar to the way in which an Indonesian-centric national history is created out of a Netherlands-centric history of Indonesia, the Islamist re-contextualization is also quite crude.
The story thus engages with the Indonesian national historiography but merely supports an interpretation that puts Islam in the forefront. Such revisionism is distrustful of Western interpretation and, as a consequence, distrustful of academic interpretation by Indonesian historians, whom they consider are tainted with the teachings of Dutch or Western historiography of Indonesia.
Following these revisionist strategies, one can then legitimize the Islamic turn of the Post-New Order period in ways that the liberals have not been able to. This sort of thinking has resulted in forming a legitimizing base to attack the integrity of Indonesian and Western academic writings on Indonesia. Pressing agenda for the nation. Safe Indonesia!
Rais is a political scientist graduated from Gadjah Mada University obtaining his PhD at University of Chicago, was head of the Muhammadiyah and one of the main actors during the end of the New Order. He is a politician who has contested for the presidency in This trope is connected to the international anti-globalization or anti-neoliberal discussion.
It seems to be mainly used by two groups in Indonesian society: The vagueness of the wording within the constitution represented the vagueness of the Indonesian approach toward its own economy. The problem was that the shift toward Reformasi resulted in the liberalization of the Indonesian economy.
The anti-globalization movement highlights a continuity of exploitation, along the same trajectory as colonialism and imperialism. This historiography continues with neo-colonialism and the peripheralization of the Third World.
The post-colonial historiography of Indonesia follows leftist interpretations of the American empire and Cold War discussions on the secret machination of the CIA. The fall of Soekarno and the rise of Soeharto, with his team of so-called Berkeley Mafia economists, ushered in the New Order. When Soeharto fell in , many writers like Amien Rais and others continued on the neo-colonial or neo-imperial discussion by looking at domestic capture by a global, albeit fuzzily defined, enemy rooted in international financial circles.
According to Rais, the take-over of government policy in favour of multinational corporations represented state-hijacked corruption. He praised nations who stood up against the global power of the United States and their international organizations like the IMF and the World Bank Rais Rais and many others assume the problem of Indonesia to be located in the outside world: While he focused much of the later chapter of his book on the failure of the government to curb foreign ownership, there was practically nothing in his book that discusses the problems of Indonesia as a failure on the part of the local political system and economy.
It was assumed that policy makers were co-opted by international agencies such as the World Bank and the IMF and worked for multinational corporations Rais Economic development was to come purely through maintaining the economy within the hands of nationals.
Developmental theories are absent. Anti-globalization books have been produced from within the NGO movement in Indonesia. Mansour Fakih has produced critical books on development theory and the problems of development in association with Indonesia Fakih Eko Prasetyo wrote two books about the Islamic Left in which a Marxist reading of the Indonesian problem is made palatable by a reinterpretation of Islamic theology Prasetyo ; Partly inspired by the Catholic Liberation Theology , Islamic leftists like Prasetyo reinterpreted Islamic doctrines to their revolutionary potential, placing the figure of Muhammad within class-conflict and Islam as pushing forth an egalitarian society.
Engaging with other Muslim liberation theologists like Ali Ashgar Engineer, Prasetyo wants a social revolution in which the Islamic movement could be revolutionized against capitalism and neoliberalism. This push for a progressive revolution is the most significant part of the Islamic Left as it confirms much of the progressive Marxist values.
This support for progressive Marxism is one of the most important features, which set it apart from the Islamic revivalism that was inherently conservative and promoted reactionary Islamic values. A new critical outlook appeared after greater access toward foreign higher education produced a new generation of highly educated, non-government intellectuals. What these activists have in common was distrust toward power in general, but especially that of the state. Yet, many anti-neoliberal economists and intellectuals are part of the state elite, although they are not part of the government decision makers.
Latif is an activist connected with the liberal Muslim community and also a founder of the Nurcholis Madjid Society and the Reform Institute. Latif argues for an inclusive and plural society based on the Pancasila as a truly national document. Yet in doing so, it inadvertently strengthens a historiography that takes its cue from the state-sponsored nationalist history. Instead of looking at Pancasila as part of social and political values that were prevalent in the early twentieth century, Latif interprets them as having its roots deep in the history of the nation.
Like Munawar-Rachman, he also sees economic liberalism in a negative light. Pancasila itself is never problematized; it is merely reinterpreted to suit the conditions of the present. Instead of affirming the familial and integralist state of the New Order, the present Pancasila is taken out of its box to argue for the liberal values of post-Soeharto Indonesia: Yet, such an act requires the reinterpretation of history; the support of a national narrative that smoothens out the imperfection of history and its contradictory character.
Fascist ideas, for instance, are taken completely out of the picture. Nationalist Indonesian historical figures are often portrayed as caricatures framing a myth of Indonesian unity. Instead of dealing with the past or with Indonesian identity on its own terms, the triumphalist trope caricatures Indonesian history and identity as icons to be deployed in the rhetoric of present day arguments. One interesting aspect of this is the tendency to link up to pseudoscience that supports the idea of an Indonesian exceptionalism.
Benua yang tenggelam di Asia Tenggara — both published in Following on the heels of Oppenheimer, he tries to locate the geographical roots of the first prophet to the submerged subcontinent. The theme of cultural exceptionalism found even more fertile ground within the historical discourse of Indonesian Islam, which is considered a special kind of Islam, a model of Muslim democracy, by both Western leaders like Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama, and Indonesians alike.
This approach represented the institutionalization of Indonesian cultural exceptionalism, particularly its non-violent, inclusive, and democratic character. Islam, Democracy and the Rise of Indonesia as a Major Power Tamara points to the indigenous nature of the reformasi idea and not from Western concepts of the French and American revolutions and the liberal values that animated western political convention.
This triumphalist trope is rather conservative in the sense that it does not advocate for a particular change, but instead wants to maintain the position of the Pancasila in a Post New Order world. Its supporters are political, social, and religious elites that see the importance of maintaining the national mythology.
Yet, this maintenance of a national historiography that celebrates Indonesian exceptionalism also reduces the critical faculty.
Pluralism and liberalism, in this case, seem to be favored not on the basis of merit, but merely as a result of Indonesian exceptionalism, placing liberal values as an extension of a state-sponsored national ideology. There are four tropes discussed above.
The first trope is that of liberalism.
The presentation of liberalism and liberal ideas bifurcate into two general strategies: Or it focus on Western liberalism and forgets to link it to the Indonesian context. The second trope is that of Islamist Revivalism. Its goal is to put the Indonesian Muslim as the agent of historical change. The third trope is foreign or neoliberal intervention.
This trope is an Indonesianized anti-globalism, or a criticism of the liberal condition of the country. It sees Indonesia as a victim of a global, imperial strategy of control. And the last theme is that of Indonesian exceptionalism. Writers are often conservative because they promote the status quo. They are also often easily attracted to pseudo-scientific discussions that elevate Indonesia.
These various books allow us to tentatively propose several characteristics of present day intellectual discourse. First, all the discussion can be traced to larger, although often unrelated, political or intellectual discourses outside of Indonesia, usually based in Europe or the US.
These discourses serve as a legitimizing backdrop to the discussion, a footnote that eases the need for the Indonesian writer to provide compelling arguments or research.
Instead, they rely on arguments by authority. There are positive and negative Western themes. The level of trust and distrust between Indonesia and the outside world, the foreigners, the West, the Arab world and so forth is a constant tension in Indonesia, and this tension animates Indonesian political discourse. Few Indonesian intellectuals or leaders clearly position themselves on one or the other line of the divide.
Third, various Islamic authors and thinkers participate in all four discussions. Indonesian Islam lay across a wide political spectrum and their participation in the intellectual process in Indonesia is significant. Often discussion tends to look at Islam as a discrete ideological field Hefner Yet, many of the books discussed in this review contextualize Islam within their respective ideologies. Fourth, the divisions between individualism and collectivism, between liberalism and the rest of the discussion, point to the increasing clash between the rise of the individual in the twenty-first century and the appeal of collectivism.
Some of the tropes point to yearnings to move away from the individual toward the collective: The reason for this may be rooted in distrust of the outside world. The economic question has focused on how Indonesia should maintain ownership of its mineral wealth and redistribute it equitably.
Interestingly, and similar to older colonial tropes, the various anti-Western tropes place the Indonesian as a spectator to his own history. The Islamist revisionism is also a reaction to what they consider to be the hegemonic nature of Western knowledge and the necessity to break it down in order to allow an Islamic expression in Indonesia.
The liberal viewpoint requires a positive or trustful attitude not only toward the individual as capable beings, but also toward the outside world and the Western dominated global system.
Erich Fromm wrote that individual freedom is a terrifying psychological prospect Fromm Sometimes people want the comfort of being within collective groups. The ambivalent attitude toward globalization during the late New Order period may represent this fear.
The fear of individual freedom in the post-New Order period resulted in Pancasila revivalism and the distrust against the outside world and the promotion of an Indonesia-centric worldview. The shifting ideological landscape represents what, at its roots, is a tension of global proportion: The failure of the liberals to make a convincing case for Indonesian individualism may perhaps continue to haunt the national discussion.
Liberalism is internally incoherent, as it fails to address the philosophical problem of dealing with the malignancies of capitalism and individual property rights. The strategy to protect the liberal values of multiculturalism and pluralism is to place it in the context of the revival of a conservative reading of Pancasila.
This opens up the possibility for abuse or vulnerable to the attack of Islamists on the basis of a deconstructive reading of history. Liberals will have to engage in the national discourse in order to make a convincing argument for its values and principles.
It will have to be part of a national discussion and actively criticize the collectivist vision of the founder of the state while at the same time making a case for individualism. Akbar, Ali Situs Gunung Padang.
Misteri dan Arkeologi. Change Publication. Assyaukanie, Luthfi Ideologi Islam dan Utopia. Tiga model negara demokrasi di Indonesia.
Freedom Institute. Barton, Greg Gagasan Islam liberal di Indonesia: Pustaka Paramadina. Baso, Ahmad Islam Pascakolonial: Bourchier, David and Vedi Hadiz Indonesian politics and society. A reader. Bruinessen, Martin van ed.
Explaining the conservative turn. Chakrabarty, Dipesh Elli Ruslina Total Media. Fakih, Mansour Masyarakat sipil untuk Transformasi sosial. Pustaka Pelajar. Runtuhnya teori pembangunan dan globalisasi. Insist Press. Feith, Herbert and Lance Castles Indonesian political thinking Cornell University Press.
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