ČT (), 'Novodobí otroci v Česku se teď rekrutují z řad Rumunů a Bulharů', online, available . Murín G (), Gorily v podsvetí, Bratislava, Marečnin PT. Gorily v podsvetí. By: Gustáv Murín Koniec veľkých mafiánskych bosov a nástup mafie v bielych rukavičkách. Štvrťstoročie lúpežného. history. Gorily v podsvetí. By: Gustáv Murín. História slovenského podsvetia od primitívneho výpalníctva až po najväčšiu korupčnú aféru Gorila.
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gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf. Quote. Postby Just» Tue Aug 28, am. Looking for gustav murin gorily v podsveti pdf. Will be grateful for any help!. Gorily v podsvetí by Gustáv Murín is History História slovenského podsvetia od primitívneho výpalníctva až po najväčšiu korupčnú aféru Gorila. Koniec veľkých. Murín G. (), Gorily v podsvetí, mmoonneeyy.info, Marenčin PT, Bratislava. Midulová K. (), Mediální reprezentace kauzy Gorila v slovenských a českých médiích.
The study investigates what this upside-down change in political and media importance reveals about the role of the media in a post-communist country. Research investigating corrupt behaviour in Hungary, for example, shows that Hungarian general public believe that there is a so-called corruption tax, i. In summary, the process of oligarchization of the me- dia may result in media capture and this, in turn, may facilitate state cap- ture. Extensive smuggling of forged goods and related organised tax fraud were typical of Vietnamese organised crime in the Czech Republic Nozina and Kraus, The media was free and inter- ested in reporting on many other cases of large-scale corruption, but those who knew about the case initially decided, voluntarily and individually, not to report on it.
Research questions and methodology The study initially explains the role of the key print media in this par- ticular case including a special sub-case of the newspaper Pravda. The general research question was what the role of the media was within the wider context of the assumed state capture. A related sub-question inves- tigated the actual occurrence of media capture and its causation. Dzurinda finally spoke out], http: Dzurinda put pressure on investigating corruption! On the basis of these initial research questions, the paper discov- ered methodological challenges of corruption coverage analysis based on quantitative methods, as well as suggested some drawbacks of political science approaches to issues that do not get official and verified confirma- tion from public authorities.
This later issue is tackled in a separate paper. The former issue is more relevant for an international audience than the results of content analysis of local newspapers. It seems to be an axiom that the media plays a key role in a liberal democracy Dahl, , and may play an important role in emerging democracies Kumar, , p.
This may be consistent with the rather widespread partial or full media capture Besley, Prat, which goes alongside partial or full state capture in many post-communist coun- tries. Although the cited papers discuss general media capture in fact all of the media are seen as captured , our study deals with a case-specific partial self-inflicted media capture.
In other words, our study relates correlation but not necessarily causation partial media capture to a single case-specific , but extremely relevant, situation of partial state capture. The media was free and inter- ested in reporting on many other cases of large-scale corruption, but those who knew about the case initially decided, voluntarily and individually, not to report on it. This is not to say that all of the media reported on all other large-scale corruption cases.
This in itself suggests the high social and political relevance of the case for the media. This case of partial media capture was allegedly caused by strict legislation, which seems to be only a half-truth at best. These legal regulations including regu- lations of the procedural type, in the case of wiretapped materials were later used by the rich and influential to prevent the media from overly specific or allegedly critical one-sided reporting on the case.
These real legal threats at the national level , as it turned out, provide some justi- fication for the media silence about the scandalous information, despite the fact that some had access to incriminating information which was not officially verified.
Our further analy- ses suggest possible media timidity in making their initial decision to ignore what turned out to be the most important corruption scandal in the history of Slovakia. Consequently, we argue that it was not the case that most journalists working for prominent newspapers simply decided to be law-abiding citizens: This overly timid approach by journalists who knew about the Gorilla file provides an ideal illustration of partial media capture.
The sub-case of Pravda is an example of an even more peculiar case of media capture, and is placed in a chronological context after the publication of the file on the internet. Content analysis of coverage in newspapers in this case study main- ly focused on printed versions of selected newspapers. However, he did not men- tion SIS files as its source. Al- though many Slovak dailies and weekly magazines reported on the case, and some are mentioned throughout the study, the general comparison of the overall output covers only these three dailies due to their reputable po- sition and publicly respected status among the major Slovak newspapers.
Their credibility for reporting on the Gorilla case is therefore ques- tionable by definition, and they are not included in the study. The other electronic and digital media, including the news channel TA3, were not included in our analysis due to the lack of original recorded audiovisual or audio sources.
Moreover, this type of analysis is very time consuming. Our analysis focused on the period between the time of the publishing of the first article on the Gorilla case in these print media shortly before Christmas , after the Gorilla transcripts appeared on the internet , and the end of January The sufficiency of the period selected for analysis is seemingly justified by the fact that, by February , the press was filled with messages related to the parliamentary election cam- paigns election day was March 10, The analyses were conducted by two researchers independently, before reaching a final consensus to level out disagreements.
Obviously, humans make errors, even experts sometimes do not share the same opinions, and face-to-face consultations were deemed necessary. However, differences and disagreements could not have impacted the overall results and ob- served trends.
We did not perform the reliability test, as it was not found necessary for such a small sample and minor differences. Other method- ological issues were deemed more important, such as those regarding the criteria and categories to use for the assessment of media coverage, and we found many issues challenging, although they were apparently often ignored in similar content analyses.
Consequently, we established a set of qualitative criteria for the analysis of the quality and professionalism of the coverage of the Gorilla case by selected media outlets. Additionally, the Fundamental Values include personal freedom, justice and decency. It would have been difficult to measure either principles or values independently, as they are loosely defined or undefined.
Therefore, we created three empirically analyzable categories: Further explanation may be needed regarding why objectivity, as a criterion, does not consist of the value of objectivity while verification does. A comprehensive category cannot be defined by itself — there must be sub-indicators.
Some of these sub-indicators may be present among other comprehensive categories and this is not a logical failure. Sub-in- dicators define qualitative parameters of a comprehensive category. Each comprehensive category should stand independently as an analytical tool.
In other words, sub-indicators define the aims of the specific comprehen- sive category. Each comprehensive category has its specific aims which are reflected in their sub-indicators, and which in turn are strictly based on the Journalists Code of Ethics. Firstly, under objectivity we analyzed whether the media gave space to all parties involved. Did they show any signs of bias? The methodologi- cal problem generally observed in a large number of articles involved two separate issues: This calls into ques- tion the official concept of journalistic objectivity.
It is simply not possible for the media to contact all of the actors involved in a given story. Sometimes, it may not even be clear who all the interested parties are. The main differing views should be given due weight in the period in which the controversy is active.
Indeed, this was also revealed in our analysis of newspaper coverage. Newspapers, by and large, did not regard the reporting on a case as a set of various isolated stories, but as a total of interconnected pieces — with single issues included as part of the whole. Thus, we present the results with this caveat; the coding methodology ob- viously used an article as an analytical unit.
Secondly, verification of the facts refers to the whole process of ob- taining sources. How did the journalists and media verify their informa- tion? Usually, information is verified by the use of at least two mutually independent sources Art. However, the reality is that the use of two sources may not be sufficient, as they may not necessarily confirm one another or speak about the details of the same issue in an article. Clearly, the accused persons and institutions denied all accusations — this is understandable, even obvious.
Thirdly, journalists and the media are always, with some legal and ethical exceptions which must be mentioned, obliged to state the source of information Art. Did the media mention the source of informa- tion? For example, when the main source mentioned a wire-tap agency, we do not expect other sources to be mentioned in the article. Once again, and as with many corruption stories, a pertinent problem identified with the Gorilla case was the inability of the main witness, former SIS the Slovakian Intelligence Service agent, to speak openly.
The first known holder of the file, Tom Nicholson, refused to state its source and the original audio recordings were also not available. We did not find any studies which discussed the above-mentioned methodological issues related to the quantitative and qualitative analysis of media coverage of large-scale corruption under these unique and, per- haps at the same time, typical circumstances.
Therefore, we had to develop and use a new indicator related to the verification of events by witnesses, which we called confirmation. In this particular scandal, and generally in crime- or corruption-related scandals, key actors usually deny any ac- cusations.
Therefore, we were not only interested in whether the media provided information according to their internal standards, we addition- ally questioned whether readers realized the importance of the informa- tion — despite the fact that it was still ambiguous — correctly.
Therefore, we checked whether a person had confirmed statements in the Gorilla file, at least partly, or denied all accusations. Finally, two general journalistic issues were of interest to us; the total coverage, including all articles dealing with the case except commen- taries , and the location of reports on the front page. The analyzed data showed certain clear general trends in the media coverage of the Gorilla scandal after considering these issues. It should be mentioned that we conducted interviews with former editors-in-chief.
These were face-to-face meetings involving very sim- ple questions, for example: According to Mungiu-Pippidi , p. For comparative purposes and the enhancement of knowledge, we selectively utilized two other available analyses on this topic. Moreover, we should mention all previ- ous studies on this topic, even when they are perceived as unreliable. How did the Gorilla story come to public attention?
The file however, became publicly known only six years after it had become known to selected state authorities between and The lengthy document emerged via an international website, with summaries of quasi-transcripts of private conversations between some top and lower level public and private figures, shortly before Christmas in The file can be found at http: These conversations were accidentally recorded in and in an apartment, and the first civilian who came into contact with the file was probably Tom Nicholson, a British-Canadian journalist naturalized in Slovakia.
In , Nicholson tried to contact the media and the police with the information, but editors from newspaper Sme and business weekly Trend did not dare to publish this information since there was no other evidence.
Meanwhile, the police started to deal with the case in two independent investigations. The leakage of the file on the internet represents another important issue. It is less likely that the nation-wide scandal would have emerged had this not happened. It is still unknown how the classified information was leaked to the public and who initially published the Gorilla file on the internet.
As well as some editors, certain top and low-level politicians knew about the Gorilla case a few years before it was made public. Bielik and B.
Oprala , April. Tom Nicholson: They criticized me for being a fool fighting the system], http: The investigation of the Gorilla case according to law and impartially], http: The reason for the judgment was intimated as the insuf- ficient time allocation for the reaction of alleged key negative actors. Dzurinda finally spoke out], www. Dzurinda put pressure on those investigating corruption! The cause was a refusal of the right to a correction based on the Press Law by the publisher.
The publisher submitted a special appeal to the Constitutional Court. The publisher argues that the Regional Court expanded the meaning of the Press Law by claiming that there is no need to strictly follow conditions for publish- ing a correction e-mail from Vladimir Ruman, legal representative of the publishing house, April 10, On the other hand, the main nega- tive non-political actor mentioned in the file, Penta Investment Group, made many PR14 and legal counter-efforts15 to tackle this issue.
The media and public issues in Slovakia Although the media was the major reporter on many broadly under- stood corruption cases, very few cases were acquired by the media them- selves, as a result of their own long-term painstaking investigations. Most often, stories arose from leaked sources.
According to the intell- inews, September 22, , Penta had 3, mentions at the height of the Gorilla scandal. In this context, the circumstances under which the newspaper Pravda changed its owner, shortly before the Gorilla scandal, begs the question or whether this was somehow already reflected in the different media coverage of this scandal by this newspaper. Clearly, the true own- ership of Pravda remained a mystery during those years. This sub-case of Pravda raises an issue regarding the impact of unknown media owners on the agenda of their media outlets during partial state capture.
There ap- pears to be a clear case of correlation between partial media capture and partial state capture. The supporting evidence is obviously only indirect, but, as will be demonstrated subsequently, clearly points in that direction.
Interestingly, the captor behind Pravda daily remains unknown. This is far more than the second most discussed single corruption case, Notice Board Tender, with about 1, mentions over a much longer period. Why was this the case? Stanig argues that politicians can influence media content in two ways: However, in the Gorilla case, the major threat was a private entity, namely Penta.
Nevertheless, it is true that all key political parties were involved in this scandal. Obviously, the media did not know in advance who would become the most serious threat to them. It could just have been a conspiracy theory or provocation. In any case, the weekly. This is another interesting dynamic of this case; the agenda-setting factor.
Romania, In other words, it might be pos- sible that the ECHR would accept the publishing of a story based on the Gorilla file, due to their possible enormous social and political relevance, even under less favorable conditions with respect to the absence of water- tight evidence. For example, the ECHR accepts the publishing of rumors or stories emanating from third sources by the media Thorgeir Thorgeir- son v. Moreover, the ECHR accepts that allegations against individuals or public figures do not have to be ini- tially proven in criminal proceedings Voorhoof, , pp.
In other words, the media could have taken advantage of the fact that police had begun investigations of the Gorilla files long before they were made public on the internet. The media could have reported extensively on this fact and investigated the story further. Internal quantitative content analysis Our quantitative analysis focused on the period which commenced with the publishing of the first article on the Gorilla case in the print me- dia, until the end of January Table 1 Results of analysis of objectivity.
Moreover, Pravda published the lowest number of articles — from its already low total — on the front page.
Pravda also fared worst with respect to objectivity as defined above, and with the caveats mentioned above , while Sme, despite publishing the largest number of articles thus increasing the risk of mistakes , was the most objective publication. The quality of these links was defined by the quality of the relationships among the quality of structures, limitations on membership in organised criminal groups, continuity of illegal activities, forms of illegal activities, penetration of the legal realm, and utilisation of corruption and violence.
Based on an analysis of 50 interviews with specialist police officers, judges, public prosecutors and journalists, Smid and Kupka argue that in the post-Socialist Czech Republic, organised crime is understood through the relations between the type of organisation and the dominant illegal activity. They point to the following forms: When taking into account the structural issues specific to the post-Socialist region, identifying the structures of international organised crime and its functional specifics represents a minor dimension which adds some supplementary context to this chapter.
We reflect on this framework within the broader context of the links between organisation and illegal activities without going into the cultural specifics of international organised crime within the post-Socialist territory. We explain these specifics only where they are crucial for understanding the context. However, this does not mean that particular organised criminal groups fully fit into the typology of the individual categories and do not overlap with other categories within our framework.
Given that organised crime persists, it is clear that it may be qualitatively transformed over time.
The perpetrators of organised crime may also be involved in different kinds of activities. In the empirical section, we give examples of groups or individuals representing particular categories. It is also evident that within a particular time and location the particular groups or individuals may acquire the qualities of all the categories within the framework. This chapter aims to give an overview which we regard as sufficient from an analytical perspective.
Given the complexity of the phenomenon, it is almost impossible to give a comprehensive answer which would outline all the possible implications. In this context, the authors take a systematic approach which enables them to synthesize particular studies Hobbs, ; Lianos and Douglas, ; Allum and Siebert, Thus we utilise Michael D.
Maltz identifies five types of harms inflicted on democratic regimes through the illegal and semi-legal activities of organised crime. These harms subsequently impact the fundamental functions of a society, state or even an entire region.
The first type is comprised of expressions of physical violence, and it refers to serious acts of violence resulting in incidents such as murders, assaults or damage to property — so-called physical harms.
Violence is force which is frequently used to destabilise a democratic setting.
The second type of harms brings financial gains to organised criminal groups at the expense of the victims who may be individuals, state institutions or private enterprises — so-called economic harms. This could be in the form of intimidation, coercion and scare mongering which impact the perception of the degrees of freedom and justice in the society — so-called psychological harms.
The fourth type includes organised group activities aimed at disrupting or subverting a community and its parts and subsequently causing the breakdown of horizontal networks among individuals e. The fifth type incorporates harms which impact the entire society and its purposes. Such harms may cause the loss of trust in public authorities, challenge the democratic establishment or even result in a search for substitute authorities.
In the empirical section of this chapter the individual harms are presented based on their connections to the particular types of organised crime.
The conclusions then explain the possible deconsolidation factors which shape organised crime as a threat within the East Central and Eastern European region see Dahl, ; Schmitter and Karl, Table 5. The majority of cases centre around several main scenarios which explain why and in what circumstances organised crime emerged in this region. In principle, these scenarios follow two dominant paradigms on the causes of organised crime: These are allegedly mediated through profit as the essence of organised crime see Fijnaut and Paoli, , pp.
The authors do not highlight the individual territorial differences, which are marginal. Widening economic opportunities combined with the destabilised security sector and restructuring of the legal system offered ideal opportunities for starting local enterprises but also for bringing in foreign investment which frequently held illegal attributes. Organised international criminal groups mainly from the post-Soviet republics, the Balkans, Vietnam, Italy, Bulgaria and some African countries utilised post-Socialist countries for the territorial expansion of their activities or as destinations for laundering their capital.
The night economy — that is to say, hotels and restaurants — have become the most visible attributes of their activities. Limited transparency, the large number of small business entities, easy entry into the market, lack of professionalism and incompetence in dealing with more complex business issues and the fairly simple know-how necessary for operations meant that the night economy in all the post-Socialist countries in the s was perceived as connected with organised crime.
The supply of legal services soon incorporated services which the affected countries had not previously experienced, such as selling drugs, illegal tobacco products, bootlegging or prostitution. The intense rivalry between international and domestic criminal groups has formed a network of business relations which were distinguished by squeezing out competition, monopolizing the market, violent resolution of conflicts, intimidating the public and mutually beneficial deals with local security forces.
Violence also symbolises the political struggle against organised crime. A typical example of this are the so-called criminal turf wars among a number of international and local criminal gangs in Hungary between and Bombings were the most frequent form of violence, and between and , allegedly such incidents occurred.
The symbolic end to these wars was marked by an attack on Joszef Karol Borosz, a Hungarian underworld figure, in where, apart from its target, three innocent people were killed and twenty others wounded Hignett, b. Poland was the only East Central European country which was not affected by violent clashes between international organised criminal gangs.
Although Poland has a number of Russian- speaking groups with violent tendencies, it is predominantly the local gangs who use violence. Violence and international crime in Poland is largely associated with human trafficking with the purpose of sexual exploitation see U. Department of State, Violence in the Czech Republic during the s was mainly associated with Russian- speaking organised criminal gangs who secured control over their territory through brutal murders, shootings in the streets and similar actions.
In , Russian-speaking criminal gangs were allegedly plotting an extensive prison revolt which was intercepted by Czech police Czech Radio, At present, violence and physical harms caused by organised criminal gangs are limited, although isolated serious incidents do occur.
In , an assassination attempt was carried out in downtown Prague on the owner of the Prague Casino in which 17 people were injured.
An Israeli citizen, Jakov Mosajlov, was charged with the attack iDnes, In , a Ukrainian hitman hired by the Armenian mafia mistakenly killed a driver of the same type of car as the intended target iDnes, In Slovakia and Slovenia, international criminal groups are not known to utilise violence extensively. In Slovakia, this is because local groups dominate and in Slovenia violent organised crime has not even fully emerged. Economic harms In post-Socialist East Central Europe, economic harms are perceived as one of the most sensitive topics related to the economic transformation.
The massive privatisation of state assets was an opportunity for foreign entities not only to legalise their profits but also to effectively siphon off funds. Apart from VAT frauds, the most notable Hungarian economic crime attributed to criminal gangs was bringing assets of unknown origins into the local market.
In the past, such capital was predominantly attributed to Russian interests and criminal groups connected with the Kremlin Nemes, ; Hignett, b.
The Czech situation was similar, particularly in relation to buying properties Smid and Kupka, Extensive smuggling of forged goods and related organised tax fraud were typical of Vietnamese organised crime in the Czech Republic Nozina and Kraus, Slovakia and Slovenia have not been affected by these problems to the same extent.
Psychological and community harms Non-physical forms of force are used when attempting to control a territory or monopolise a particular commodity market see e. Kleemans, While Poland was spared the most extensive forms of such harms, there were around five thousand foreign nationals involved in criminal activities in Hungary in the mids.
Foreign criminal activities were significantly higher in Hungary, and intimidation and duress were typical attributes of business activities Hignett, b. The victims of racketeering in East Central Europe were predominantly local business entities who have frequently hired foreign criminal groups. With local security forces increasingly taking control of such activities, the groups offering protection for a fee have gradually transformed themselves into official or semi-official security agencies.
This is relevant in both the Czech and Slovak Republics. Societal harms In some cases e.
However, this suspicion may not have been caused by the presence of the criminal groups in the respective countries. Russian business activities particularly in the Czech Republic and Poland have been perceived as linking criminal and imperial interests see Pojman, Paradoxically, the emphasis on organised crime in security strategic documents in all East Central European countries and their focus on punishing the most visible violent expressions of organised crime may have reinforced nationalistic tendencies, i.
Klaus, Groups utilising sporadic violence and predatory organised criminal groups Local organised criminal groups together with foreign organised criminal groups are the most visible aspect of organised crime. Their business dealings consist of parasitic activities, such as racketeering, debt collection, usury and robbery. Once they acquire a reasonable amount of capital, they broaden their activities to sales of stolen vehicles, prostitution, drug dealing and to a limited degree sales of weapons.
The connections between the organisation of such criminal activities and the sporadic groups are developed gradually and evolve in a range of ways: A sporadic group establishes itself as a criminal organisation e. A predatory group helps to connect different sporadic groupings e. Sporadic groups of hit-men hired directly by individuals connected with predatory groups e. Physical and economic harms Given that these groups use violence as their principal means of conducting business, the most frequent resulting harm is physical.
Knowledge of the territory and social reality in the different East Central European regions gives these groups the label Central European mafia see von Lampe, The so-called Pruszkow mafia, a clustering of different groups and individuals with long-standing or short-term connections, has become a synonym for organised crime in Poland. The Pruszkow mafia has been involved in a wide range of activities, from protection rackets, kidnappings, and legalising stolen vehicles to smuggling alcohol and cigarettes and production of amphetamines.
Distrust and violence, which is typical of expanding economic interests, led to their demise. The Hungarian case is much more complex. During the s, there were allegedly around criminal organisations in Hungary and less than a half of those were of Hungarian origin. Violent clashes also accompanied the demarcation of spheres of territorial control in Slovakia. The presence of powerful local groups in Slovakia is apparent even after their joining the EU Murin, , pp.
The dominance of influential local groups over predatory organised crime also characterized the Czech Republic e. The situation has changed over the years and the turn of the century marked a decline in the number of influential hierarchical organisations of the predatory type. The new century also marked a symbolic end to the era of extremely violent crime see Hignett, b.
In the Czech Republic this era ended in with the murder of Frantisek Mrazek, one of the prominent figures who connected criminal groups with high political officials and economic elites.
These types of harms have not extensively affected Slovenia. Violence among the predatory organised criminal groups is closely connected with territorial disputes whether physical or in terms of markets and also with attempts to gain control over financial flows. Putting a figure on the economic harms connected with these organised criminal groups is almost impossible see Andreas and Greenhill, This may be possible only in terms of analyses of the individual markets in which these criminal groups conducted their activities see DG IPOL, These groups have probably inflicted the most substantial economic harms in trade in light oils which is discussed in more detail in the following sections.
Psychological and community harms Practically the same issues that were discussed regarding foreign organised criminal groups are relevant in the case of these psychological and community harms. The night economy enterprise was not without violence sometimes even targeting celebrities e. The impact of organised crime committed by predatory groups is difficult to identify from the perspective of community harms —the battles over markets have mostly not impacted the general public and hardly any cases covered in the media involved extreme violence, such as terrorist acts.
The majority of incidents were targeted attacks of rival groups e. The Slovak case was a bit more complex, as the local organised criminal groups and their violence had severe effects on some regions e.
Dunajska Streda Murin, , pp. However, even these have gradually ended. However, the obvious presence of predatory organised criminal groups contributed to a greater public interest in curbing their activities and thus a better understanding of the term organised crime in its violent form.
Organised criminal groups linked with global business networks The location of East Central Europe makes it an important intersection between various business routes connecting Western, South-Eastern and Eastern Europe. Therefore, the discussion of organised crime in terms of illegal trade related particularly to the violation of human rights, different tax and customs regimes in commodities, including those widely regarded as illegal e.
Firstly, this analysis is potentially dependent on the size of individual markets; secondly, the different policies of the individual East Central European countries attribute different meanings to different behaviours. The trafficking of people in all forms - for the purposes of sexual exploitation, labour exploitation and people smuggling — by organised criminal groups linked with global business networks is an example of this.
The main reason for East Central European countries becoming the final destinations of such organised crime is that these markets have opened themselves up to international capital at an early date which may enable the creation of new jobs but also causes an imbalance in international economic relations which is the main cause of economic migration.
As the most developed countries in the former Eastern bloc based on per capita GDP the countries of East Central Europe are not only source but also transit and target countries. They are considered to have gradually introduced minimal standards for the prevention of human trafficking US Department of State, , however it would be premature to talk about comprehensive and coherent policies.
While sexual exploitation was particularly topical in the s and the early s, at present, labour exploitation has become more important. This does not mean that the supply of sexual services has diminished.