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Helena Curtis, Biology. XVII und S., Abb., 18 Tab. New York Worth Publ. Inc. W. Schwartz. Braunschweig‐Stöckheim. Search for more papers by. Biology by Helena Curtis, , Worth Publishers edition, in English - 5th ed. FIFTH EDITION. Biology. HELENA CURTIS. N. SUE BARNES. WORTH PUBLISHERS, INC. Page 2. Contents. Ladybug on flower of shepherd's needle. Preface.
The Industry and the Environment Niwot, CO, , remains the single best monograph on the environmental impacts of western mining and includes an ex- cellent chapter on the impacts of gold mining. Enter your email address below and we will send you your username. Curiously then, and contrary to our familiar narrative about the causes of gold rushes in the American West, the discovery of gold in the northern mountains led initially to nothing. Paul brought dozens of gold seekers. When gold is found in nature who would not jump at the chance to acquire such a fortune? James L. While several of his men were killed in the initial assault, including his second in command, Captain Oliver Taylor, Steptoe, and most of his men managed eventually to escape by sneaking away in the night.
For contemporary population figures, see James L. Washington, DC, , 29 and J. None of the facts themselves are incorrect, and its sequence of events following the production of gold at Benetsee Creek is drawn from multiple first-person accounts, supporting the general sequence of events surrounding gold settlement in the region.
But by beginning with the gold discovery that immediately preceded the opening of Montana to a gold rush in this story ends up concealing as much as it reveals. To begin with, the arrival of the six men on Benetsee Creek in did not rep- resent the first moment of gold discovery in the region. Indeed, the presence of gold was already inscribed on the cultural landscape when the men wandered into Deer Lodge Valley that spring.
Benetsee had learned about prospecting for gold while trading horses in California at the height of the California gold rush and had then prospected successfully upon his return to the region. That the creek received the name of the man who had discovered gold there suggests the tenacity of the information in the region. Found some. Four years later, in , three men on a trading expedition through the region followed up on gold rumors they had heard and stopped along Benetsee Creek.
They also recovered gold dust, which they gave to Captain Richard Grant, a cattle rancher who had settled in the region in and then they left the region. In late , Grant or some member of his family had told the Stuart brothers about Benetsee Creek, and the following spring the brothers and two companions confirmed the rumor for themselves, before heading south to trade cattle.
When the Stuarts returned to the Deer Lodge Valley in late , they found a single miner, 11 Stout, ed. Burlingame and K. During the spring and summer of , Thomas had built four sluice boxes out of hand-hewn timber that he fastened together with wooden nails. He had dug a twenty-foot deep prospecting hole, as well as a ditch to run water from the creek into his sluice boxes. He had also constructed a crude windlass to lift stones and pay dirt out of the bottom of the hole.
But then suddenly in mid-summer , Thomas quit work on the creek and headed out of the region. They reveal that neither the mere pres- ence of gold, nor the successful extraction of gold, automatically generated a gold rush.
Benetsee had quit gold mining as soon as he had covered the cost of the provisions loaned to him by Angus MacDonald. Major Owens appeared to have gone no farther than confirming the presence of gold in And three years later both the traders and Captain Grant made similar minimalist efforts to act upon their discoveries of gold. Likewise, the Stuart Brothers, who had already experienced gold mining in California, followed up their confirmation of gold in Benetsee Creek by leaving the region for three years to trade cattle along the Overland Trail.
Even Gold Tom could only be convinced to perform a season and a half of labor before giving up on the venture.
Curiously then, and contrary to our familiar narrative about the causes of gold rushes in the American West, the discovery of gold in the northern mountains led initially to nothing. If the discovery of gold in itself could lead men to stampede, this region should have experienced a rush in , or at the latest. But knowledge about the presence of gold had no such effect. One might argue, as Elliott West does in the case of Colorado, that there was not enough gold, that what was re- quired was the presence of paying gold to create a rush.
And while this also suggests a different story than our simple gold discovery narrative implies, it does not hold up. The very same creek abandoned by Henry Thomas in mid-summer became a location rich enough to lure and keep many gold seekers in the summer of Ten dollars a day from gold mining was considered a more than respectable take.
And the site sup- ported perhaps as many as one hundred miners by the end of that summer; paucity of gold does not explain the absence of a gold rush before Indeed, as the subsequent four years would reveal, there was quite a bit of gold in the northern mountains, enough to make the new Territory of Montana second only to California in gold production before the end of the s.
The first is that, according to the records of Granville Stuart and the estimates of Captain John Mullan, the region of the northern Rocky Mountains comprising the area contained in present day western Montana contained approximately 12, people in Most of these people, some 12, in all, were members of one of several Indian groups that had made this region their home for centuries.
The remaining population was made up of two distinct groups. There were approximately one hundred permanent male residents of European descent—mountaineers, trappers, traders, missionaries, and ranchers, many of whom had taken on Indian wives and fathered mixed-race children. Other than Henry Thomas, the region contained no full time gold seekers.
The men who had arrived on the steamboats in late June were mostly trying to get to gold mining creeks on the far western slope of the Rocky Mountains beyond the Bitterroot, which had exploded with a gold rush stampede the year before. The same general destination had pulled the Colorado groups through the region as well. They were also being pushed by an increasingly partisan Colorado territorial governor. The two wagon trains from St.
Paul were officially on their way to Oregon and had been organized in order to test the new Mullan Wagon Road that ran through the region. And many of the men from farther west who ended up in Bannack City by fall were themselves trying out the Mullan Road as a viable route back to the States.
In the first case, we cannot help but notice that it was not an absence of people or an absence of knowledge about the existence of gold in the region that prevented a gold rush in the s; both were present. Missing were gold seekers in any significant numbers, or what we might call a gold mining culture. This culture of men arrived in the spring and summer of , quite suddenly and in impressive numbers. To do this, we need to broaden our view to encompass, for a time, the entire northwestern region of the present-day contiguous United States, and return to the s and s when 15 Mullan, Report on the Construction of a Military Road from Walla-Walla to Fort Benton, 49— See, Phillips, ed.
Kent Curtis this region first became part of the nation-state and subject to its imperial ambitions. Gold rushes cannot occur without a gold mining culture to people them, but a gold mining culture will not arrive until a gold rush frontier has been produced. He, no doubt, shared with the men at Fort Benton the news of the Deer Lodge diggings and the reason- ably paying claim that the five gold seekers had begun to work. And this, no doubt, led the emigrants heading for the Salmon mines to think twice about traveling so far through the mountains and to consider making a go of it in the Gold Creek.
This story has many incarna- tions, in some cases suggesting that United States culture was renewed again and again through the subjugation and civilized settlement of untouched wilderness, in others, noticing the settlement of the frontier required the appropriation of the lived spaces of Native Americans, but the general story is almost always the same: Americans moved 17 In his highly influential Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism London, , Benedict Anderson has suggested that communities are as much a function of perceived and imagined affinities as they are the material stuff of social science.
In evaluating the meaning of nationalism, Anderson has emphasized the power of these imagined affinities to transcend great differences as well as to construct differences where perhaps few or none existed. See, Anderson, Imagined Communities, 6, 7. How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed New Haven, , and discuss at length the paradox- ical efforts at abstraction necessary to exert state control in the region.
But this period of nation- alism in the Pacific northwest was marked more by the efforts of local boosters than the rational extension of the state in a high-modernist manner. Indeed, the world of Captain John Mullan drew extensively upon the local practical knowledge of Indians and traders, or what Scott labeled metis in his penultimate chapter. Frontier stories have often focused on a movement into what is imagined as a kind of nation-state vacuum, a place without civilization, or settlement, and, even when the region is imagined as being inhabited by Native Americans, an absence of western institutions and politics and culture is the defining characteristic; the frontier does not enter history until the arrival of the United States pioneers.
Even counter-narratives that point out how mining represented an industrial rather than an agricultural transformation argue that mining pioneers entered their western locations well ahead of their government, that miners led the way into the wilderness and carved out a mining frontier.
The trope of the United States pioneer as the vanguard of the nation-state, the frontier as institutional tabla rassa, remains a powerful one in United States mining historiography and, as the gold rush narrative reveals, difficult to overcome.
But, for many reasons, the circumstances surrounding the gold rush to the northern Rocky Mountains suggest that this is not an adequate historical description of the gold rush in the Montana region—and perhaps not anywhere in the United States West. There has been a long debate about the definition of the frontier itself. Mostly, this debate has hinged on the question of whether the frontier is best understood as a place or a process.
Does it refer to the unsettled regions prior to and upon settlement place , in which case the frontier ended with the nineteenth century, when all of the United States land was occupied, or does it refer to the activities engaged in again and again as United States citizens came to occupy the lands of the West process , in which case the legacy of conquest, to borrow a phrase, continues to this day.
There is also a continued discussion about the character of the frontier: Did Americans settle as agriculturalists in the West and follow a natural progression to industrialization or was the frontier industrial from the start? The story of the Northern Rockies, on the other hand, may offer a different way to think about the question of the mining frontier.
Perhaps the failure to experience a gold rush through the s in the northern Rocky Mountains suggests that neither place nor processes nor character mattered very much to the forces that comprised an American mining frontier until the region itself was opened by the state, until, in a sense, the space for a frontier was itself produced.
Kent Curtis of the state or at least representatives of state building ambitions appear to have done most of the production work leading to the creation of a mining frontier.
Because of this natural water transportation corridor, this region of the country had been invested with tremendous hope since the early-nineteenth century, when President Thomas Jefferson sent Lewis and Clark on an expedition to examine the possibilities for commercial transportation from the Louisiana Purchase to the western coast.
Over the next several decades, ca- nal building and excitement over the railroad opened the Midwest to eastern markets and intensified manufacturing activities east of the Mississippi, displaying the power of transportation networks to promote settlement and develop markets.
By the s, this vision was applied on a continental scale by promoters like Asa Whitney, who developed a plan to support the construction of a transcontinental railroad through federal land grants. He argued for a route just south of the river route taken by Lewis and Clark, and imagined Puget Sound as the cornerstone for trade with east Asia and Australia.
With the addition of new western and southwestern regions at the close of the War with Mexico in , the official creation of Oregon Territory under treaty with Great Britain, and the sudden appearance of a significant west coast United States commercial market brought about by the California gold rush, the continental-scale expansionist desires intensified, and the idea of a federally supported railroad gained support and momentum.
However, both his own gold rush narrative and others in the field continue to put gold discovery as the origin of those specific episodes.
William Cronon et al. New York, , 28—51 points to similar conclusions about the copper mining frontier in Alaska. Whitney peti- tioned congress several times during the s for a land grant to finance the construction of the railroad, and brought his proposal to several state legislatures for support.
Whitney, before the Legislature of Pennsylvania. Harrisburg, PA, , a similar address was given to the Alabama Legislature in In these capacities, Stevens initiated a pair of related activities that, through an odd combination of accident and design, would effectively produce a mining frontier in the northern mountain region. The first effort was to begin a northern Pacific railroad survey on his way into the new territory to take up his post as governor in , and the second was to launch a series of Indian councils in , at which he acquired title for the lands of the region from the Indian groups that lived there.
Combined, these projects reveal the enormous effort, and ultimately the enormous expense, that was necessary to create a gold mining frontier in the northern mountains. Mullan showed both practicality and creativity when he abandoned the quantitative data-gathering 22 White, ed. For the Gold Fields, 2—4 and Kent D. Richards, Isaac I. Stevens, 93—, — Kent Curtis methods that had been used by the Stevens team in for the more qualitative anthropological approach of interviewing Indians and trappers about possible routes.
News Figure 3. Catalog To this end, between May and October , Stevens presided over three Indian councils at which he acquired, to the satisfaction of United States law, 24 Ibid. Through coercion, outright deception, and threats of violence when all else failed, Stevens managed to get signatures on treaty documents in Walla Walla, Council Grove Missoula , and at the Judith River that rendered most of the lands between Fort Benton and Fort Walla Walla the fee simple property of the United States of America.
In return for their agreement to the provisions of the treaties, tribes were promised the delivery of quarterly provisions and cash payments from the United States government. By the end of , on paper at least, the northern Rocky Mountains were poised to be opened for road construction as soon as the United States Congress ratified the agreements. Knowledge of the treaties encouraged gold seekers to move into the region along the western front of the Rocky Mountains, creating a sudden flare up of violence between gold seekers and the Indians who did not want them there.
A military-enforced truce closed off these lands to whites in and , but this was not enough to allay the fears and resentment that had been building among the Columbia Basin Native groups.
By , the fact that the tribes had received none of the provisions promised to them by the Stevens treaties and the unsettling rumors that a military road was being planned through the heart of their territory—a fact that Stevens had neglected to mention dur- ing treaty negotiation in —led to a growing and increasingly violent resistance.
The Indians became everywhere bold, defiant, and insulting. Unaware of the level of hostility and anger brewing among the Indians, Major Edward Steptoe led a small detachment 25 Louis C. Montreal, , 9; Clifford E. Trafzer, ed. Stevens, — A copy of the treaties signed by the various tribes in can be found in Charles J. Kappler, ed. Schlicke, General George Wright: Kent Curtis of soldiers up the Snake River Valley to try to recover some supplies that had been stolen by the Indians.
As Steptoe and his men made their way up the narrow canyons of the western Snake River Valley, they found themselves suddenly surrounded and significantly overpowered by an estimated 1, Indians. While several of his men were killed in the initial assault, including his second in command, Captain Oliver Taylor, Steptoe, and most of his men managed eventually to escape by sneaking away in the night. By late August, his units were finally assembled, including, not incidentally, Captain John Mullan.
Armed with long-range rifles and mountain howitzers, Wright and his forces began their march from Fort Walla Walla up the Snake River Valley. Beginning on 2 September and lasting several days, Wright and his forces marched upon and engaged two encampments of Indians at Four Lakes and Spokane Plains, fighting in pitched battles, killing dozens of Indians, and losing none of their own men. The overwhelming firepower and bloodshed quickly subdued the Columbia Basin tribes, who then asked for a peace treaty.
But the battlefield deaths were not enough to satisfy Colonel Wright. In the same year, the Senate also ratified all of the treaties creating the legal foundation—at least in the eyes of United States jurisprudence—for the legitimate occupation of the northern mountain region and the legal construction of a military road through it.
Mullan set to work immediately, gathering a team of one hundred soldiers, one hundred laborers, and thirty officers and artisans to assist him in the construction efforts along the route he had identified four years earlier. In late June , this large contingency of road builders began the slow work of grading roadways and building bridges from Walla Walla toward Fort Benton.
The ratification of the treaties with the northern Indians and the appropriation of adequate road construction funds, both coming in the wake of the bloody defeat of the Columbia Basin Indians, set in motion a domino effect of 27 Schlicke, General George Wright, —96; Robert M. With the threat of Indian hos- tilities along the western front of the Rocky Mountains removed, gold seekers found access unimpeded from the west and began making their way in significant numbers into the creeks along the tributaries to the Snake River, opening well-paying gold diggings along the Clearwater River.
The following year, pushing farther south and east into the mountains, gold seekers found even higher paying gold diggings along the Salmon River, which were stampeded in early by a large contingency of gold seekers who had wintered that year at Fort Walla Walla.
Shortly after Henry Thomas quit his claim on Gold Creek, successful miners began trickling their way east across the Mullan Wagon Road through the northern mountains toward Fort Benton with their gold. The news of these new mining districts spread quickly back east and seemed to have had a particular pull on the frustrated gold miners of the Pikes Peak gold rush in Colorado, who began streaming out of that region toward Florence and the Salmon River diggings in the late fall of , as well as drawing men from Missouri hoping to escape the sectional violence of the Civil War.
In , the military subsidized two steamers, the Chippewa and the Key West, to carry three hundred soldiers and Major George A. Blake, who were going to be the first military forces to march over the Mullan Road route on their way to new posts in the Pacific Northwest that summer. These boats also carried provisions for Captain Mullan and his road crew, and, because of higher water from a heavier spring snowmelt, both boats made it all the way to the docks at Fort Benton that year.
Despite the eruption of the Civil War in April of that year, the military interest in the region continued in Kent Curtis east of Fort Benton when its cargo of twenty-five kegs of gunpowder was accidentally ignited by a deckhand trying to steal whiskey.
Louis during early to establish commercial trade along the upper Missouri. These boats had left St Louis two weeks apart that spring, one on 30 April and the other on 14 June, loaded with freight includ- ing building supplies, mining supplies, mill equipment, and lumber.
They also carried almost one hundred paying passengers each, many of whom had brought supplies that they intended to haul across the Mullan Road to the western slope gold fields. The La Barge Company raised the prospect of commercial competition for upper Missouri traffic, which quickly expanded beyond the basic needs of Indian trade, fur hunters, and military provisions to include the needs of settlement and mining, and relatively luxurious service of passenger transportation.
Paul to Puget Sound. Minnesota congressmen and lobbyists, managed to secure one-fifth of the appropriation to fund and protect a party of emigrants from St.
Colonel James L. Fisk, a flamboyant and obsessive promoter of the northern route was pulled from his Civil War duties in Tennessee to provide the escort for the wagon team. But before Fisk could return to St. Paul, a swelling group of emigrants who had gathered in anticipation of the wagon train reached a critical mass and decided to wait no longer.
This group would organize into a formal company and elect a man named Thomas Holmes to the leadership role. James L.
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