in collaboration with the National Lesbian and Gay Journalists Association, (mmoonneeyy.info). Abramo, Claudio. A regra do jogo: O. Cláudio Abramo was a Brazilian journalist and author. Born to Vincenzo Abramo and Iole A Regra do Jogo - O Jornalismo e a Ética do Marceneiro (Companhia das Letras) Print/export. Create a book · Download as PDF · Printable version. 11 nov. PDF | The relationships between sources and newsmakers. ABRAMO, Cláudio . A regra do jogo: o jornalismo e a ética do marceneiro.
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The two governments had different fates. Iza Felipe added it Mar 03, Of course, Sousa had a built-in bias toward the new reporters. Imprensa da UFSC. These journalists succeeded in being recognized as the most important interpretive authorities on Brazilian journalism. Definida e praticada, eis a regra do jogo. Showing
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Community Reviews. Showing Rating details. Sort order. Leitura altamente recomendada e ainda essencial nas faculdades de Jornalismo.
Silvia rated it really liked it May 18, Tatiane rated it liked it Jan 13, Caio Abramo rated it it was amazing Jul 20, However, the new rules had to be enforced. Thus, newspaper reformers decided that it was necessary to hire new journalists in order to put the new rules into practice.
Who were these journalists, and how were they chosen? According to Sousa b, p. Nilson Lage , p. When candidates applied for a job at the newspaper, they were given the stylebook, sent home to study, and then were tested a few days later. Once hired, new journalists went through an intense training program.
Sousa b describes them as bright, dynamic, virtuous, and motivated persons, different in almost every way from those who came before them.
Of course, Sousa had a built-in bias toward the new reporters. These journalists succeeded in being recognized as the most important interpretive authorities on Brazilian journalism. For reform to really take hold, however, the new rules had to be institutionalized. The copy desk came to play this role. The origin of the copy desk in the United States can be traced back to the second half of the nineteenth century, as a consequence of the separation of mechanical from editorial work.
The copy desk was the point of contact between the newsroom and the composing room, between the people who wrote the news and those responsible for manufacturing the newspaper Nerone and Barnhurst, This separation of mechanical from editorial work played an important role in providing journalists more autonomy to do their work outside the gaze of editors.
In contrast to the glamor of reporting, copyediting came to be viewed as a mostly unpleasant and thankless job Solomon, For example, Gay Talese , p. On the other hand, the role that newspaper reformers attributed to the copy desk was not primarily technical, but disciplinary and ideological. Its central purpose was to shape news texts to the requirements of an industrial rhythm of news making, and to disseminate the modern, American-based model of journalism among Brazilian journalists.
They looked at it as a kind of school of modern journalism. For this reason, they believed that the best journalists should work there. Consequently, journalists who could write well were recruited to the copy desk. Once there, they earned a better salary than most reporters. Some contemporary journalists complained about this situation.
According to Dines , as news writing improved, newsgathering got worse. Despite these criticisms, however, the copy desk remained the backbone of most Brazilian newsrooms until the s. The authoritarian-modernization of Brazilian journalism is in some ways similar to its macro-economic counterpart. Like macro-economic authoritarian moderniza- tion efforts, the modernization of journalism is often motivated by a perception of inferiority.
This is to say, for us authoritarian modernization is a distinctive form of modernization within journalism consisting of a particular set of micro-practices and values. For example, notwithstanding the notable influence that the vigorous and authoritarian style of John Reith exerted on the building of the BBC, that alone does not provide a good example of an authoritarian modernization process.
Additionally, the authoritarian modernization of journalism tends to be more efficient when journalists do not share a strong professional culture. Ryfe provides an interesting illustration of this point in a discussion of how a deeply embedded culture of professionalism allowed the reporters of a mid-sized American newspaper to react against, and finally foil the attempts of a new editor to impose new rules on them for gathering and reporting the news.
Defined in this specific way, the authoritarian modernization model sheds new light on the problem of journalistic professionalism.
Used in this sense, the terms are opposed to amateurism for a critique of such imprecise use of the term professionalism see Lilleker and Negrine, Other authors propose more rigorous definitions.
Journalistic professionalism, in particular, has been associated with Downloaded By: Some authors evaluate journalistic profession- alism negatively in comparison to other professions. According to Zelizer , p. The authors oppose professionalization to the instrumentalization of the media, meaning their control by outside agents, whose logic is either political or commercial.
Viewed through the prism of authoritarian modernization, however, it becomes clear that the two terms do not mean the same thing. Professionalization refers generically to a discourse about the improvement of journalism, either in reference to the past or as a goal for the future.
Different agents can appropriate this discourse for different purposes. Professionalism is different from professionalization. In the context of this distinction, the authoritarian modernization of journalism is associated with professionalization, but not with professionalism. This moral superiority was defined in terms of common sense standards, rather than a particular professional ethics, and was related to their personal as much to their professional behavior.
In contrast with the new professional journalists, prior generations of Brazilian journalists were described as lazy, drunken people who were often involved in illegal activities like gambling and blackmailing. These were people who used journalism as a means for satisfying their personal interests Lage, According to this view, one of the main purposes of the copy desk was to work as a disciplinary resource that would provide a moral control over the journalists by reducing their autonomy at work see Biroli, Modernization and the Institution of Journalism Downloaded By: To promote modernization, Brazilian journalists explicitly adopted the American model.
However, they did not passively adopt this model. Rather, they adapted it to fit into their own social reality, and by so doing, they modified it in significant ways Albuquerque, In fact, the reform actively diminished the role played by the reporters in the newspaper, limited their autonomy, and even encouraged the most talented among them to work on the copy desk.
In so doing, the reform in many respects reaffirmed the definition of journalism as a form of literature, albeit as a different form of literature than what had existed before: This story of institutionalization in Brazilian journalism has important implications for institutional theories of news.
These theories have largely emanated from studies of American news media. But this is not what happened in Brazil. The copy desk in particular left no place for unspoken rules of behavior as the basis of journalistic practice. Writing in , Alberto Dines , p. In fact, we have only about 15 good and modern journalists moving around the revolutionary newspapers and magazines.
But this happened as much for political as technical reasons. From the s to the s a considerable number of journalists who were either members or sympathizers of the Brazilian Communist Party came to work in conservative newspapers, and some of them occupied very important editorial positions.
Rather, there was a tacit agreement between them: The rhetoric of professional journalism played an important role in this arrangement, given that it furnished a common language for both the conservative publishers and the communist journalists, and made it easier for them to work together. By converting party discipline into journalistic discipline, communist journalists provided a favorable political background for the disciplinary role of the copy desk Albuquerque and da Silva, Moreover, while it is true that the new journalistic rules lasted a long time in Brazil, their persistence was not due to their implicitness.
Rather, these rules stuck because they became part of the official discourse of modern journalism. This discourse can be described as a myth of origin or, as Mircea Eliade puts it, as an archetypal model. Also, this discourse provided a rationale for the definition of journalism as an intrinsically authoritarian profession e. Abramo, Indeed, ever since authoritarian modernization has served as an inspiration for other attempts to reform Brazilian journalism.
This is true, for example, of the modernization process initiated by Folha de S. Paulo in the s. Institutional approaches to news have adopted this basic framework in explaining the rise and persistence of news rules. Our case study challenges this conventional wisdom.
In so doing, it suggests that the particular traits of the American journalism institutionalization process cannot be universalized. Brazilian news media did not merely adopt the American model.
Rather they adapted it by making use of authoritarian modernization methods that significantly influenced the way that this model was interpreted in Brazil. Such methods attributed to the copy desk a core ideological and disciplinary role in the newsrooms, reduced the autonomy of journalists, and decreased the importance of reporting in comparison to news writing.
Over time, the new model proved difficult to disseminate. When it finally achieved a broader measure of acceptance, it was due to political rather than technical reasons; the model endured over time, but as a myth of origin referring to the exceptional actions realized by exceptional people in the past, rather than as rules put into effect in everyday practice.
Companhia das Letras.
Theory, Practice and Criticism 6 4 , pp. Eds Men of Order. Paz e Terra.