E-mail: [email protected] Aguiar Chivalry in Medieval Portugal In a .. do ideal da Cavalaria no Outono da Idade Média Portuguesa (Século XV). The Transmission of the Legend of the Destruction of Jerusalem in Medieval 'O sistema historiografico galego no Outono da Idade Media: seculos xtV-xv. This year, from October the 11th to the 13th, the Institute for Medieval Studies ( IEM | NOVA-FCSH) and the Call for papers VERSION CASTELLANA [.pdf].
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Estampa, p. Les Belles Letrres. Vespasianus autem dixit: Past and Present: Las 'Estorias'de Alfonso el Sabio Madrid:
Despite everything, it cannot be ignored — and perhaps it should even be highlighted — the fact that this is an idealized vision, belonging to a ceremony that was conceived as an instrument of royal propaganda. The best example is to be found in the antecedents of the Battle of Aljubarrota, when the sources tell us that the constable abandoned the royal troops in order to engage by himself in battle with Juan I, king of Castille r.
XXX, pp. Fernando, Ch. X, pp. XII, pp. This portrait did not clash with the fortaleza fortitude that was expected of knights. At this time, examples were evoked that had been told in the Arthurian romances, whose adventures had inspired a wide audience. It was the profound inculcation of this mentality that inspired the warlike feats that took place in North Africa, beginning with the adventure of Ceuta , so greatly desired by the Infantes.
Some years later, in around the s, it was the Infante D. It was not sufficient to organize great festivities in order to be dubbed: Wisdom told him that the war should not be fought, while, in the meantime, he lined up the arguments that sustained that position. Next, the Infante listed the reasons for the display of chivalry. His opinion led him to establish a clear dichotomy: VII, pp.
The late Middle Ages in Portugal have bequeathed us enough testimonies to prove that this ideology was deeply felt and that it was taken literally by those who were familiar with it. Duarte de Meneses: CLIV, p. The most striking episode was the mounted attack that the monarch sought to launch in the Benacofu hills, in Ambushed by the enemy, the king and his knights retreated hurriedly, but not before D. CLIV, pp.
As can be seen, such wishes did not always end well.
While it is true that Afonso V escaped, although his salvation cost the life of one of the most illustrious Portuguese warriors in North Africa, others were not so lucky. This was the case with Prince Fernando, condemned to a long period of captivity until his death, but also with another famous Portuguese knight: After a life of adventures, spent serving Prince Pedro on his journeys across Eastern Europe Martins, Both had sworn that, were one of them to die, the other would not outlive him, as did in fact come to happen in the ill-fated Battle of Alfarrobeira.
Afonso V: CXXII, pp. During the fifteenth century, the permanent warfront in North Africa became the setting for keeping alive the chivalric spirit. Kings and grandees passed through there, hoping to perform a great feat, as well as aristocrats of a lesser standing or even many members of the common people, inspired by their search for the honor of chivalry, an ennoblement, or just some material gains. The various chronicles of Zurara are full of such examples.
Countless incursions into enemy territory are recounted, at the end of which new e-JPH, Vol. However, just as or even more important than what effectively happened in Africa was the recording of these feats in written form.
For, otherwise, one would not understand the care that the late medieval chroniclers took in narrating all of these episodes in such detail. The details of the battles and the heroic feats, crowned with the making of a new knight, certainly delighted those who read these accounts and the many people who listened to these stories being told at court: Conclusion In Portugal, the term miles only began to gain definitive acceptance as a category of the nobility from the thirteenth century onwards.
By attaching great importance to the functional dimension of knighthood, the society of the period of the Christian Reconquest ensured that the aristocracy was not the only class to enjoy the privilege of fighting wars on horseback. In the final analysis, this sharing of functions may have removed the need for adopting an image that might eventually unite nobles and villeins. The rise of chivalry as a form of honor, endowed with its own ideology and symbols, took place gradually from the thirteenth century onwards, accompanied, among other things, by the reception of Arthurian literature, and contributing to the elitization of the figure of the knight, which had now become attractive even to royalty itself.
These processes were consolidated throughout the fourteenth century. Throughout this century, the e-JPH, Vol. As both a way of life and a literary construction, chivalric ideals remained in vigorous health until the sixteenth century. Libro del Caballero et del Escudero. Gredos, pp. Estoria de Dom Nuno Alvrez Pereyra Adelino de Almeida Calado ed. Universidade de Coimbra. Fernando Critical edition, introduction and indexes by Giuliano Macchi. Imprensa Nacional da Casa da Moeda.
Critical edition, glossary and indexes by Giuliano Macchi. Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda. Francisco Maria Esteves Pereira ed. Pedro de Meneses Maria Teresa Brocado ed. Duarte de Meneses Larry King ed. Universidade Nova de Lisboa.
Livro de Linhagens do Conde D. Pedro Livro dos Conselhos de El-rei D. Duarte LXIII, pp. Raimundo Llull Livro da Ordem de Cavalaria. Rui de Pina Lopes de Almeida ed.
Barber, Richard, The Knight and Chivalry. In Stephen Curch and Ruth Harbey eds. Boydell, p. Barber, Richard The Black Prince. O Cronista e o Cruzado: MA thesis. Campos, Nuno Silva Castro, Ivo Boletim de Filologia. Duby, Georges Flammarion, pp. Portugal e os conflitos militares internacionais.
Actas, Vol. Universidad de Sevilla. Grassotti, Hilda Gomes, Rita Costa Difel, pp. Keen, Maurice Yale University Press. Kaeuper, Richard W. Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe. New York: Oxford University Press. Lourie, Elena Past and Present: Marques, A. Livraria Figueirinhas, vol. I-II, pp. Martins, Miguel Gomes Guerreiros Medievais Portugueses. Esfera dos Livros, pp. A Arte da Guerra em Portugal: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra.
Alfa, p. In Giulia Lanciani and Giuseppe Tavani eds. Caminho, pp. Estampa, pp. In Naquele Tempo: Afonso Henriques. Temas e Debates, pp. Aurs Mesclatz ab Argen. Codex Aquilarensis: A Society Organized for War: University of California Press. Micha and Moe ; and on the twelfth- century version: Gryting , Ford and Menendez Pidal I, This version of events — which coincides with what Josephus set out in the preface to the first book of the Bellum — was undoubtedly the least attractive for the late-classical and medieval imagination.
These legendary amplifications were caused by the manuscript transmission of the Antiquitates judaicae, by the earliest recipients and commentators of the Bellum, and by a collection of Christian texts.
In each of the surviving manuscripts of the Antiquitates there is an interpolated episode in book xvin known as the Testimo- nium Vlavianum..
In this episode Jesus is recognized as the Messiah and his Resurrection is foretold; this can be linked to an interpolated episode in book XX, in which it is stated that that James the Less was Jesus's brother. This is the case in Origen's Contra Celsum 1. I, Quam quidem non ob aliud sibi contigisse quam propter scelus in Jacobum admissum, ipse etiam Josephus scripto testari minime dubitavit, cum ait: Qui cum esset omnium consensu justissimus, nihilominus a Judaeis necatus fuerat'.
Critics have failed to identify the origin of this passage and Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel has even proposed that the manuscript of the Bellum read by Eusebius would have contained the passage mentioned, although it is now lost This hypothesis does not seem plausible as the paragraph mentioned by Eusebius is not present either in the fifty- five complete or fragmentary Greek manuscripts of the Bellum, or in the ancient Latin, Syriac, Hebrew, Slavic, and demotic Greek translations.
However, it is clear that the words quoted by Eusebius are very close to those of the pseudo-Josephine episode about James in the Antiquitates, although the origin of the quotation should be attributed not to Josephus but to Egesippus, and not in his supposed Latin translation, but in one of his Greek works, which curiously enough, was also used by Eusebius.
This source is book V of the Hypomnemata: Nec multo post obsidio Vespasiani, et Judaeorum captivitas subsecuta esf ll. Pukhrum et ignorum antfa cunctis mortalibus inter trecentos viginti triumphos, qui a conditio Urbis, usque in id tempus acti erant, hoc spectaculum fuit, patrem et fjlium uno tnumphali curru vectos, gloriosissimam ab his qui patrem et filium offenderant, victonam reportasse' Orosius, VE. See also the story contained in Fabrega Grau For a catalogue of lost Casfflian hagiography, see Deyermond Apocryphal texts, such as the first part of the Evangelium Nicodemi or Acta Pilati , the Mors Pilati, and the Vindicta Salvatoris, contributed to this in an important way.
The episode of the destruction of Jerusalem was incorporated into chapter 63 of the Legenda aurea, which this deals with the life and passion of James the Less because: It is in Voragine's version that the union of classical sources — Josephus and Egesippus through Eusebius — with the apocryphal texts, finally takes place.
These apocryphal texts consist of the Acta Pilati — for the facts concerning Joseph of Arimathea — and an unidentified historia apocrypha, for those related to Vespasian and Titus.
Voragine's work is one of the main sources used by the translator- compiler of the Miragres de Santiago. This work survives in a single, incomplete manuscript BNM , which has been dated, on the basis of codicological evidence, to between the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century.
Its current title — the Miragres de Santiago escriptos por o Papa Calixto — was supplied by its first editor, Eugenio Lopez-Aydillo , and is problematic, because it implies a general use of an inner rubric for the whole work, a practice which was already evident in an eighteenth-century title on the spine: Milagros de Santiago escritos por " 'Tradititem Josephus, tantae eum sanca'tatis fuisse et ceiebritatis in populo, ut propter ejus necem, creditam sit subversam esse Hierosolyman' Jerome, n.
For an edition of the apocryphal texts see Tischendorf , or Santos Otero , who takes the texts from the previous edition. For a survey of these apocryphal texts see Erbetta This version is not related to the Latin versions known in the Peninsula. A partial version in Castilian of the Liber Sancti jacobi has been edited by Connolly a. For its relationship to the Galician version, see Connolly a: The use of this title may even go back to the Conde de Miranda.
Another legend related to Pilate was subsequently added. This link is explicitly justified by the translator-compiler because, as the end of the account of Pilate states: It is obvious that the connection between the destruction of Jerusalem and the history of Pilate was motivated by intradiegetic elements: However, it was also motivated by extratextual reasons, such as the sources used.
Voragine, when introducing the story about Pilate in De Passione Domini, declares: Et quia in mortem. Christum tradiderunt, ludas per avaritiam, ludaei per invidiam, Pilatus per timorem, ideo videndum esset de poena a Deo his inflicta merito huius peccati.
After the edition by Lopez-Aydillo the supposed Galician title was used as it appears in Lopez Lopez-Aydillo notes that in the inner part of the binding there is a note 'Del Sor. Conde de Miranda', in an eighteenth-century hand 8. The eighteenth-century binding caused the transposition of several quires. This text forms part of a thirteenth-century codex known as the TumbiUo de privflegios, concordias, constituciones which is now housed m the Archive of the Compostelan Basilica.
It lias been edited by Millan Thus, abstract Latin expressions are translated through the use of concrete referents in the Galician version; Voragine's allusions to apocryphal sources are omitted, replaced by elements that add greater textual cohesion, or completely eliminated in order to avoid a disparate view of events, as happens in the Legenda aurea. However, as stated by the second editor of the Miragres, Jose L. Fensado , a part of the text is alien to Voragine's work. At first sight this innovation could be explained as the product of translation, for it is related to the concept of amplifying by means of binary pairings.
While in the Latin text Titus decides to sell thirty Jews for one denarius after the storming of Jerusalem, in the Galician version, apart from this decision, Titus also adopts the pairing of the Crucifixion and the division of the Jewish population into four parts, in each of these including references to Gospel narratives such as John However, going beyond these echoes, the interpolated Galician text is a translation of part of paragraph 31 of the Vindicta salvatoris.
In view of this fact, Fensado considered two different possibilities: A detailed analysis of the text of the destruction of Jerusalem and related texts allows us to opt for only one of the possibilities put forward by Fensado. First of all, we can observe that the interpolated text from the Vindicta does not constitute a segment extracted indepen- dently from the apocryphal text without any other contamination.
Elements that paraphrase the context of paragraph 31 of the Vindicta can be found both before and after its insertion. Thus 'et tomou todo los judews que y achou, et dou senteca sobre eles co acordo de sua jente et diso asi' Pensado However, when the interpolation ends the translator picks up Voragine's text, despite the fact that his version is actually much closer to that of the Vindicia.
In the second place, the influence of the apocryphal text is not limited to the interpolated section and its context, but can actually be traced back to the history of Filate.
In the Legenda aurea the messenger of Tiberius Caesar is called Volusianus, while in the Galician version his name becomes Velosiano. At first sight this could be explained as an erroneous reading, but it becomes more significant when we take into account that the messenger of Tiberius in the Vindicta salvatoris is himself called Velosianus. This factor is by no means conclusive, for there is nothing to prevent us from postulating the existance of a version of the Legenda aurea in which the context was modified and the apocryphal text already interpolated, thus prompting the change from Volusiano to Velosiano.
However, commenting on the manuscript transmission of Voragine's work is hazardous because it survives in at least a thousand witnesses, and at present, no known version contains this name change. One of these witnesses is another fragmentary Galician-Portuguese translation of the Legenda aurea. In the second and third folios there is part of the legend of the destruction of Jerusalem. This version lacks the apocryphal interpolation and does not adapt the context, although it remains faithful to Voragine.
Lopez maintained that GaJictan and Portuguese were indistingirishable during the Middle Ages, whereas Viegas considered the translation as being into Portuguese. The fragmentary translation survived in four parchment sheets which were used as flyleaves of a deed.
Moreover, we should not forget the connection between the fragmentary Galician- Portuguese translation of the Legenda aurea and the Portuguese incunabulum. In this light, it is possible to deduce that the compiler of the Miragres also used the Vindicta as a source because the translation of the Legenda in the Miragres, Ho flos sanctorum, and the fragmentary Galician-Portuguese version belong to a common family, either because one of them constitutes the origin of this branch of translations or because they each translate the same Latin archetype of the Legenda.
Finally, we should note that the translator-compiler constructed a version of the legend of the destruction of Jerusalem in which the stories of James the Less, Vespasian and Titus, and Pilate are closely linked.
Although in the case of the last two stories the translation represented in this manuscript family could have used the previously quoted words of Voragine in the section De Passione Domini, it is more been lost.
This work has been partially edited by Almeida Lucas Folio 82 is missing. In this folio the account of the life of James the Less would end and the one about the Destruction of Jerusalem would begin.
Fortunately it is possible to reconstruct the content of the missing folio taking into consideration the manuscript of the fragmentary version edited in because they belong to the same family.
I am very grateful to Professor Askins for telling me that folio 82 is missing and to Professor Harvey Sharrer for kindly providing me with a print from the microfilm of the Portuguese incunabulum.
La leyenda de los santos Burgos: Juan de Burgos, c. The connection between Ho flos sanctorum and the Spanish version was pointed out by Martins ; and more recently qualified by Sharrer ; Almeida Lucas, without giving supplementary information, seems to state that the Spanish incunabulum is a translation of a Latin manuscript of Voragine: While in the Legenda aurea the two stories are independent and isolated, in the Vindicta they consititute a homogeneous whole.
As the translator-compiler says: Pensado E asy como os Judeus venderon a Jhesu xs.
Por trinta dinheiros asy el ven- deo trinta Judeus por huum dinheiro p. Estes acpufcaro Nos- fro Senor Qusucristo en leno verde et feri- rono co lanca et nos enforqucmoslos en leno sequo et feira- moslos co lancas; et estes tomaro a saya de Nostro Senor Ihtv sucristo et fezero de- la quatro partes et nos tomemolos et purtainoslos en quat- ro partes; estes ven- ders Nostro Senor Ihssucrisfo por XXX dmefros et nos de- mas deles riinta por hu dififiro.
Et Tito commo o diso a si o acabou p. Interpolated passage in the Miragres and its source, the Vindicta Salvataris. I have underlined those sentences translated by the Galician compiler Miragres de Santiago Et despois eno ano segudo que Vespasia- no foy enperador, tomou Tito Jherusalem et destroyoa toda a vila et o teple por lo fondameto, et tomou los judeus que y achou, et dou senteca sobre eles co acordo de sua jente et diso asi: Estes acoutaro Nosfro Senor Ihesucrisfo en leno verde et ferirono co lanca et nos enforquemoslos en leno sequo et feiramoslos co lancas; et estes romaro a saya de Nostra Sehor Ihe- sucristo et fezero dela quatro partes et nos tomemolos et partamoslos en quatro partes; estes vendero Nosfro Senor Ihe- sacristo por XXX dmeiros et nos demos deles triinta por hu diWro.
Et Tito comrao o diso asi o acabou p. Et placuit Deo omnipotenti quod perrexerunt [Vespasianus et Titus] in Iudaeam et Ierusalem, etapprehenderunt subditos tuos et miserunt in eo iuditio quasi quomodo fecerunt quando apprehenderunt subditi tui Iesum et ligaverunt eum, XXXI.
Et Vespasianus postea dixit: Quid faciemus de his qui remanebunt?
Titus respondit: Suspenderunt illi Dominum nostrum in ligno yiridi et lancea percusser- unt eum: Vespasianus autem dixit: Quid de istis qui remanserunt? Et ita fecerunt. Et dixi Vespasianus: De iis qui remanserunt quid autem faciemus? Et ita fecerunt p. Contamination of the name of Tiberius's messenger under the influence of the Vindicta Salvatoris Legenda aurea Dbatque Volusiano sibi pri- uato.
Vade citius trans par- tes marinas, dkesque Pilato, vt hunc Medicum mihi mit- tat, qui me pristinae sanitati restituat p. Tunc statim miserunt nuntios suos ad Tiberium imperatoremtirbis Romanae ut mitteret Velosianum ad sa Et dixit ei: Textual closeness between the Miragres and Ho Flos Sanctorum in relation to their source, the Legenda aurea I have underlined in this work those sentences omitted in the others Legenda aurea Dicitur etiam, quod primus inter Apostolus Missam ce- lebravit.
Et este foi o pnmriro home que diso misa en ves- timeta de bispo.
E este Santi- ago no dia de sesta feyra de endoencas quando mor- reo jhesucrisfo fez promis- sam que non comeria atee que visse seu senhor resusci- tado fo. Bibliografia de textos Catalans antics, Admyte O Madrid: