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A pro- nominal fossil found in Tzotzil today suggests a system like c above. By looking at Colonial Huastec and comparing Huastec dialects, we can show that the Huastec pronominal system likely originated from a type c system.
Type a Systems. Tzeltal is an example: With transitives in the completive, which have no aspect marker, the absolutive can be either preixed or suixed: Neither type a nor b is the likely originating candidate, because neither would have analogical traction that could readily result in the other types.
Type c could generalize to total preixation found in type a or to total suixation found in type b , since it has both preixation and suixation.
Tzotzil is a type c language. Of typological interest is the presence of the abs2pl in Tzeltal as -ex, and in Faust 3rd Proof. Huastec almost certainly pre- serves what can be seen in the history of Tzotzil: It does not take much imagination to see the progression in table 1.
Plainly, the trajectory of that innovation is given by the earliest structure. Yukatek Blair n. Second, this structure is in turn the precursor to what we ind in Acalan 9d. In short, as Robertson Robertson, Houston, and Stuart has suggested in other contexts, the progressive aspect became the incompletive aspect. Huastec Incompletive and Completive.
Sentences 9a—9d have an obvious formal relationship between the progressive with exom and the incompletive aspects. Furthermore, none of the languages have the -Vl nominalizer on transitive verbs except on the Tzeltal progressive and on both the Huastec progressive and incom- pletive.
In other words, the Huastec did two things: Of the two hypotheses—that chance and independent developments explain all the similarities, or that the similarities come from contact sometime long ater the proposed two- to four-millennia departure—the more reasonable seems to be that of genetic iliation or language contact.
Chance makes for a weak hypothesis. Here, we have contested two hypotheses about the degree of sep- aration of Huastec from other Mayan languages: Without historical documentation, innovation and borrowing tend to be indistin- guishable. We hold that both Faust 3rd Proof.
Such facts, outlined earlier, include these: We emphasize, however, that any such accumulated difer- ences cannot disguise the traits shared by Tzeltalan and Huastec, any more than the far-reaching linguistic and geographic distance between the west coast Wiyot and Yurok languages and the eastern Algonquian languages can mask their genetic il- iation.
Although much ink has been spilled in attempts to discount the sparse but undeniable genetic connection, Campbell David Anthony Rouse stresses that archaeologists tend to ask the wrong questions, oten beginning with culture history and expecting to ind linguistic correlations therein.
He advocates an approach that looks at the process of migration rather than its efects; that is, the cause of migration is oten extremely complex, and transparent linkages to ceramics or other artifacts are unlikely to be found.
It is oten only a very narrowly deined, goal-oriented subgroup that migrates. An additional consideration is the cost of movement. Most migrations are short distance, but they closely depend on previous moves as part of a continuous process. Moreover, people who migrate are likely to migrate again. One scenario is that the lan- guage moved but speakers did not. Few Nigerian speakers of English came originally from Great Britain; Nigerians speak English because of British colonialization, not because they moved from Britain to Nigeria.
Generally, one suspects that this pro- cess would take place only in conditions of imperial intervention or when a trade Faust 3rd Proof.
In the case of Huastec, the precise conditions of migration will prob- ably prove elusive, but it is noteworthy that, until massive depopulation in the early Colonial period, Huastec speakers had a strongly coastal orientation because of their location along the coast of Veracruz. Coastal bases would also have aided movement into the adjacent sierra by means of valleys and river routes.
Nonetheless, evaluating these ideas against local archaeology is a diicult task. Inluenced by notions of early splits from the body of Mayan speakers, most ar- chaeologists tend to emphasize local, ethnic continuity from the Middle Formative period on MacNeish Supposed connections between Huastec and Mamon-era ceramics of the Maya region must be treated with caution in that these comparisons were made in the s and s, when ceramic knowledge in both areas was deicient.
Jefrey Wilkerson Our proposition calls into question the close relation of Chicomuceltec to Huastec. First, Huastec is more likely than Chicomuceltec to have moved away from the gen- eral Maya region. Second, Huastec is too similar to Chicomuceltec to suggest a great time span between them.
If ceramics are a guide, this possible intrusion took place in the Early Postclassic period; if they are not, then the language could have arrived, by various means, some centuries before and be unrelated to known ceramic changes.
Another possibility is that Huastec and Chicomuceltec speakers maintained contact over long distances as facilitated by frequent coastal interchange, which could have assisted in maintaining commonalities of language longer than if speakers were separated by land. Huastec has close ties to oth- er Western Mayan languages and can no longer be seen as a distant isolate, separated at the earliest period from other Mayan languages.
Unfortunately, our present data are not up to the task, nor is our conceptualization of them. Zones once inhabited by Chicomuceltec speakers urgently need to be explored archeologically and the evidence compared to that across the Isthmus.
Old debates, such as the language of Isthmian script, need to be revisited from a Huastec perspective. From these explorations will come a greater understanding of the ancient Maya with respect to the Huasteca in the Mesoamerican setting.
Glottochronology is a putative method of estimating the period of time that two or more languages diverged from each other, based on cognate sets of words. We use bold to represent syllabograms of the hieroglyphic script and italics to rep- resent the way the word would have been pronounced.
A transitive verb can in some language function as a special kind of passive, namely, as a mediopassive. Migration in Archaeology: American Anthropologist 92 4: Ara, Domingo de. Mexico City: Aulie, William H. Blair, Robert W.
American Indian languages: Oxford University Press. Campbell, Lyle. Justeson and Lyle Campbell, 1— Provo, Utah: American Indian Languages: New York: Campbell, Lyle, and Una Canger. International Journal of American Linguistics 44 3: Campbell, Lyle, and Terrence S. Mayan Linguistics: Where Are We Now? Annual Review of Anthropology Christenson, Allen J. Popol Vuh: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies.
Clark, John E. Parkinson, —, Archaeological Series Ann Arbor, Mich: International Monographs in Prehistory.
Edmonson, Barbara. Ekholm, Gordon F. Excavations at Tampico and Panuco in the Huasteca, Mexico.
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